News
Tensions Mount as Arrest Warrant Against Yoon Sparks Political and Legal Standoff
Amy Han
On January 5, The Corruption Investigation Office for High-Ranking Officials (CIO) announced that it submitted an official letter to the National Office of Investigation (NOI), under the National Police Agency, requesting their cooperation in arresting President Yoon Suk Yeol. The CIO emphasized that it would retain its investigative authority over Yoon, who is facing charges of abuse of power and insurrection related to his declaration of martial law on December 3 and subsequent orders to military commanders. Additionally, the CIO stated that it plans to request a court extension for the arrest warrant, which expired at midnight on January 6.
The CIO’s request followed its first attempt to arrest Yoon on January 3, which failed after a six-hour standoff with the Presidential Security Service (PSS). The PSS now faces its own investigation for obstruction of justice, with its head refusing to appear before policy for questioning. Criticism against the PSS further intensified after it was revealed that the service deployed military personnel to block the warrant’s execution, despite explicit opposition from the acting defense minister.
Ultimately, the NOI declined the CIO’s request to re-attempt to execute an arrest warrant for Yoon. Baek Dong-heum, Deputy Director of the Special Investigation Unit at the NOI stated that after conducting an internal legal review of an official document from the CIO directing the execution of an arrest warrant and a search warrant, they determined that the CIO’s directive contains legal controversies. He further explained that they will continue to consult with the CIO regarding the execution of the arrest warrant.
As uncertainty looms over Yoon's fate, protesters on both sides — demanding his arrest and advocating for his protection — gathered near the presidential residence for demonstrations over the weekend. This included dozens of lawmakers from the ruling People Power Party, which entered the residence in an attempt to prevent Yoon’s arrest. In the interim, the CIO has refiled its warrant for Yoon’s arrest, leaving open the possibility that it will re-attempt arrest on its own. However, given the disagreement with the NOI, loyalty of the PSS to Yoon, and the growing protests near Yoon’s residence, the agency’s chances of success remain unknown.
Intensified Political Polarization in the Protests Surrounding President Yoon’s Impeachment
Sheewon Min
The delayed execution of the court warrant for President Yoon’s arrest on January 3 sparked ongoing protests both for and against his impeachment near the presidential residence. On January 5, despite heavy snowfall, tens of thousands gathered for a third consecutive day for demonstrations, with only one day remaining for investigators to act on the detention warrant. At the same time, approximately 400 meters away, Yoon’s supporters staged a rally demanding the invalidation of the impeachment motion and his immediate reinstatement. No violent confrontations occurred, as police implemented barriers and deployed buses to separate the opposing groups.
Remarkably, recent polling indicates a notable increase in President Yoon’s approval, largely driven by stronger consolidation among conservative voters. A survey by Gongjung of 1,020 respondents found 34.3% in support of Yoon, a four-point rise from December’s 30.4%. Among supporters within the People Power Party, 81.3% approved of his leadership, while disapproval dropped by four points. This surge can be attributed to Yoon’s message to protesters delivered on New Year’s Day, where he emphasized the nation’s vulnerabilities and pledged to protect South Korea against internal and external threats.
An interesting phenomenon has emerged during the protests, as reported by The Washington Post. U.S. political symbols, including American flags, “Stop the Steal” slogans, and the Virginia state motto, have found resonance in the ongoing political struggle surrounding the impeachment. These symbols of freedom and defiance, typically associated with Donald Trump and his claims of widespread election fraud in 2020, have been invoked by both supporters and critics of Yoon. Additionally, a gender divide in support for Yoon’s impeachment has come to the fore. According to a survey by The Korea Herald, women in their 20s at the Yeouido protests were significantly more likely to participate (17.52%) compared to men in the same age group (3.06%). A similar trend was observed among women in their 70s at Gwanghwamun, where 30.64% supported Yoon's impeachment, compared to just 16.42% of men in that demographic.
The protests surrounding President Yoon’s detention warrant reflect deep political polarization, with rising support among conservative voters bolstered by his strategic messaging. The use of U.S.political symbols and the gendered nature of the protests further highlight the complex social dynamics at play. These developments underscore the ongoing tensions within South Korea’s political landscape, with both sides increasingly mobilized by personal, ideological, and international factors.
Impeachment Proceedings Against Yoon on Track following Appointment of New Constitutional Court Justices, though Lingering Concerns Remain
Alexander Eid
On January 3, the Constitutional Court indicated that oral arguments will begin in the impeachment trial of South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol on January 14. The announcement followed the appointment of two new justices to the Court by Acting President Choi Sang-mok on December 31 per the recommendation of the National Assembly. Jeong and Cho filled two of the three Court vacancies, bringing the bench to eight members and surpassing the threshold for quorum. While this suggests that the impeachment proceedings will advance without challenges of legal legitimacy, the lingering points of political tension may lead to new challenges.
Following the impeachment of Prime Minister Han Duck-soo, Finance Minister Choi Sang-mok – who also serves as Deputy Prime Minister – assumed the role of Acting President. Choi, as an experienced bureaucrat specializing in economics, has prioritized political and economic stability. This led him to break with his predecessor and approve two of the National Assembly’s three recommendations for Constitutional Court Justices. Jeong Gye-seon, who was recommended by the opposition Democratic Party, and Cho Han-chang, recommended by the ruling People Power Party, joined the Court on January 2, bringing the bench to eight of nine total members. This surpasses the seven-member threshold required to officially convene and ends the three-month period during which the Court was technically operating outside its legal bounds with only six justices.
Heretofore, the three vacancies called into question the legitimacy of the Court’s activities and made it such that a unanimous ruling would be required for Yoon to be removed from office. The appointment of the new justices have alleviated both issues. Now, two of the eight sitting justices can dissent while still reaching the six-justice threshold for removal. This has increased the chances that Yoon will not return to office, but lingering political controversies remain.
At a preparatory hearing for impeachment on January 3, the head of the National Assembly impeachment committee charged with prosecuting President Yoon indicated that it would drop charges of treason (내란죄) from its case, arguing that it would focus solely on the unconstitutionality of Yoon’s invocation of martial law. Yoon’s legal team and many conservative politicians have railed against the decision, saying that the omission of treason is a tactic to expedite proceedings in the opposition party’s favor. Ahn Cheol-su, a ruling party lawmaker who broke with his peers to vote for impeachment, suggested that omitting treason fundamentally changes the Assembly’s case against Yoon and thus would require another floor vote on impeachment.
This argument could gain traction in the coming weeks, especially if the impeachment committee doubles down on its decision to leave aside treason, leading to even greater socio-political complexity as the country navigates the public trial of its suspended president.
This Week in Korean History
On January 6, 1926, Japan completed the construction of its governor-general’s office inside Gyeongbok Palace in central Seoul. Japanese officials controlled the entire Korean Peninsula from this building until 1945. The building later housed the South Korean National Museum, but public debate continued over whether it should be demolished. Some called for the building to be removed to clear away memories of the past, while others claimed it stood as a legitimate reminder of Korean history. After years of debate, the building was finally destroyed in 1996.
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