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Under Secretary Rogers Visits Korea and Japan

Amy Han

The State Department stated on the 27th that Sarah Rogers, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Public Diplomacy, will travel to Tokyo and Seoul from March 27 through April 2.

In Seoul, Rogers will lead the second round of the U.S.–South Korea public diplomacy dialogue, meet with alumni of a U.S. exchange program, and explore ways to expand cooperation on workforce development for the American shipbuilding industry, the State Department said.

In a press release, the department stated the visit is intended to strengthen coordination on digital freedom, deepen people-to-people ties, and better align public diplomacy efforts with shared economic priorities and regional security goals.

Rogers has been an outspoken critic of South Korea’s revised Information and Communications Network Act—often referred to as the “False Manipulated Information Eradication Act”—which was passed by the National Assembly last year under the Democratic Party’s leadership. She previously described it as “a censorship bill that threatens U.S.-Korea technology cooperation.” During her stop in Seoul, she is expected to raise these concerns.

According to the State Department, Rogers will meet with government officials and private sector leaders in both Japan and South Korea to discuss key bilateral and trilateral issues, while reaffirming the administration’s commitment to protecting freedom of expression and digital rights.

In Tokyo, Rogers will meet with her Japanese counterparts, attend events tied to the United States’ 250th anniversary on the sidelines of the Japanese Grand Prix alongside a leading Japanese investor in the U.S., and take part in a discussion on regional connectivity with alumni of a trilateral young leaders program involving South Korea, the United States, and Japan.

Overall, Rogers’ visit reflects a more assertive U.S. push to shape digital governance norms among close allies, as tensions grow between regulation and freedom of expression. Her engagement with both government officials and industry leaders suggests Washington is aiming to challenge policies it views as overly restrictive while also building leverage on digital trade concerns. At the same time, the focus on public diplomacy and workforce cooperation signals a broader effort to strengthen long-term alignment—not only on security, but also on economic competitiveness and technological leadership across the U.S.–Japan–South Korea partnership.

South Korea Moves to Reclaim Wartime Command from U.S. Amid Security Concern

Sheewon Min

On March 27, President Lee Jae Myung announced that South Korea will move swiftly to reclaim wartime operational control (OPCON) of its military from the United States, while accelerating broader defence reforms, including the introduction of selective conscription. Speaking at the defence ministry in Seoul, Lee urged senior military leaders to strengthen readiness in response to what he described as a “grave” security environment, citing both the protracted conflict in the Middle East and North Korea’s recent fortification activities along the Demilitarized Zone.

Lee emphasized that military reform is no longer optional but essential, particularly as South Korea confronts demographic decline alongside evolving security threats. His proposal for selective conscription reflects an effort to balance manpower shortages with the need for a technologically advanced and flexible force. At the same time, his administration has signaled a renewed commitment to completing the long-delayed OPCON transfer—a process first agreed upon with Washington more than two decades ago but repeatedly postponed.

Despite South Korea’s formidable military capabilities, ranked among the strongest globally, with advanced stealth systems, a robust domestic defence industry, and more than 500,000 active-duty personnel, the country still lacks full wartime command authority. In the event of conflict, operational control would remain under a U.S. four-star general, underscoring the enduring asymmetry within the alliance. Lee’s push to finalize the transition by the end of his term in 2030 hinges on meeting agreed capability benchmarks while also reflecting a broader desire for greater strategic autonomy.

If realized, the OPCON transfer would mark a significant turning point not only for South Korea’s sovereignty but also for the structure of the U.S.–South Korea alliance. It could recalibrate deterrence dynamics on the Korean Peninsula while reshaping how U.S. forces stationed in Korea might be deployed in a wider regional conflict, particularly amid intensifying U.S.–China rivalry. Lee’s initiative underscores a balancing act of strengthening national self-reliance without undermining the alliance that has underpinned regional stability for decades.
 

This Week in Korean History: 

On April 1, 1920, The Dong-A Ilbo was first launched as an underground newspaper to inform the public of the independence movement against Japanese occupation and of the declaration of independence.